Starmerism has turned into a significant political setback, offering what should be a prime opportunity for the left to seize the moment. Yet, it’s Nigel Farage’s Reform UK, representing the radical right, that’s rapidly gaining momentum. So, where is the Green Party of England and Wales amid all this?
It’s puzzling because the left has long flagged the Labour leadership’s continuous deceit and its failure to provide solutions for a country beset by crises. The decision to cut the winter fuel payment was seen as an austerity-fueled blow to social security. Meanwhile, Labour’s refusal to increase taxes on the wealthy left the new government hamstrung, leading them to hike employers’ national insurance contributions—arguably the worst move in Britain’s vulnerable economic situation.
However, any critique of the Green Party must come with two major disclaimers. First, we should acknowledge their success. Along with five independent candidates, the Greens delivered the most impressive left-of-Labour performance in the last election. Their co-leader, Carla Denyer, notably defeated a Labour shadow cabinet member in Bristol. The party has since become a vocal advocate for public ownership of water, denounced Israel’s genocide, and kept the climate crisis in the spotlight. Secondly, we must recognize the media’s bias against them. Right-leaning newspapers generally ignore or attack the Greens, and the BBC rarely affords them the same visibility as Farage’s assorted political ventures.
Despite the unfairness of the British media landscape, the Greens can still shape the political conversation. Paradoxically, their biggest strength may also be their weakness: they’re simply too nice. The Greens are confident in their moral stance, seemingly hoping they can progress through calm, patient persuasion. What’s often absent, however, is a grasp of class politics—understanding that the system is tilted towards wealth and power, and that elites will never willingly redistribute privilege and must be challenged instead.
In today’s climate of seething discontent—driven by a historic squeeze on living standards and deteriorating public services—that anger is bound to find an outlet. The surging radical right wants to channel that fury toward migrants and minorities. Starmerism is clearly unwilling to challenge this narrative by opposing the wealthy elite and instead mirrors their anti-immigrant rhetoric, even accusing the Tories of an “open doors experiment,” which is language typically associated with Farage’s agenda.
The Greens, therefore, need to draw clear and different lines. They should target a shameful affluent elite that underpays workers, offers unstable jobs, evades taxes while Britain falters, and contributes to environmental destruction. Our challenges are systemic, but the Greens should also call out the individuals responsible, as concrete examples resonate better with voters. Elon Musk is a perfect illustration: a U.S.-based billionaire meddling in our politics and highly unpopular according to polls. There’s also a missing confrontational stance against the government—Starmerism stands against the effective change Britain desperately needs, and this lack of action should be opposed with vigor.
A significant issue is the Greens’ social media approach, which currently leaves much to be desired. Their content is often uninspiring and poorly produced, frequently showcasing parliamentary footage that fails to engage people. Where was their “Save Our Grannies” campaign concerning the winter fuel payment, featuring heartfelt videos from struggling pensioners, for instance?
Presently, the party’s communication, including its social media strategy, is managed by Molly Scott Cato, a former climate academic and MEP. While her dedication is respected—given her consistent meeting attendance—there is growing frustration with her cautious approach that fails to attract wider audiences.
What the Greens need is a social media expert. This will require funding, but they can easily launch a crowdfunding effort appealing to supporters to challenge Farage’s increasing online influence. Their content should be a mix of incisive, bold, and, where needed, witty or impassioned messages. This should especially focus on disenchanted Labour voters, with content conveying how their former party abandoned them and encouraging them to turn to the Greens.
The Greens finished second in 40 constituencies, predominantly urban areas presently held by Labour. They should concentrate their efforts on these seats, identifying pressing local issues like cost of living and housing, then running spirited, impactful campaigns around them. Two of the four seats they captured were in rural constituencies previously held by the Conservatives—unusual areas for them—but this shouldn’t divert their focus.
Some within the Greens, such as deputy leader Zack Polanski, recognize that caution and playing it safe in such an explosive political climate is a recipe for failure. A new left-wing faction, Greens Organise, is committed to pushing the party forward, although they need to rise above the usual internal squabbles that often plague leftist groups.
If the Greens fail to start staging bold, attention-grabbing challenges, the conversation will instead be dominated by Reform. Labour might then believe its true competition is solely from the right and will adjust its course accordingly. The Greens have made admirable strides, but until they understand that playing nice is the worst possible strategy for these times, Britain risks sliding further into the same political quagmire as the U.S.
