In just under three weeks, Donald Trump is set to take the oath as US president once again. While much of his allure comes from flouting traditional norms, Trump is, in essence, quite predictable. Since his defeat in the 2020 election, he has persistently pledged to manipulate the US justice system to exact revenge on his adversaries. On this promise, the returning president should be taken both literally and earnestly. Similarly, his belief that officials should pledge their loyalty to him personally, rather than to the US constitution, remains consistent.
During his first term, Trump frequently lost his temper when his more audacious directives were halted by government lawyers, Pentagon officials, intelligence agencies, and others within the so-called power ministries. This time around, he has made a concerted effort to appoint individuals who are likely to comply with his demands, irrespective of rules and tradition. Bill Barr, the former attorney-general, claimed that Trump once suggested executing his rivals during his initial term. Barr noted he hadn’t been concerned about Trump’s whims because he believed they would be kept in check.
It’s clear that such complacency is no longer warranted. Last July, the Supreme Court significantly expanded Trump’s powers by extending almost complete immunity to the “official acts” of the US president. Theoretically, this could include drastic actions, such as executing political foes. Practically, it will likely manifest as legal vendettas against Trump’s critics in politics, the media, and civil society. He has repeatedly targeted figures like Liz Cheney, a former Republican congresswoman, and Mark Milley, the past chairman of the US joint chiefs of staff.
Assuming Trump’s punitive tendencies won’t extend beyond US borders would be naive. Even before retaking office, he has threatened to reclaim the Panama Canal, which was returned to Panama in 1999, and has shown interest in Greenland, under Danish sovereignty. While both Democratic and Republican administrations have occasionally disregarded international law when convenient, none have shown such overt disdain for its principles. The world must brace itself for an even more unrestrained Trump in his upcoming term compared to his previous one.
The caliber of Trump’s senior appointees should be a cause for concern both domestically and internationally. Figures like Kash Patel, appointed to lead the FBI, Tulsi Gabbard as director of national intelligence, and Pete Hegseth as US defense secretary, sound the loudest warnings. Patel is a staunch Trump loyalist with his own list of adversaries. Gabbard has praised the deposed Syrian regime under Bashar al-Assad and frequently echoes Vladimir Putin’s rhetoric on Ukraine. Hegseth, a Fox News host, believes the US military’s senior ranks should be purged of non-Trump loyalists.
The US Senate might serve as the most effective barrier against Trump’s overreaching tendencies. With Republicans holding a slim 53-47 majority, just four Republicans need to dissent to block a nominee. Indeed, Matt Gaetz, Trump’s initial choice for attorney-general, had to step down when it became apparent he lacked sufficient support. True conservatives recognize that the rule of law is integral to both US tradition and the market economy. The Senate should prevent confirmations of Patel, Gabbard, and Hegseth. Additionally, lower court judges, the media, and civil society can play significant roles in curbing Trump’s more extreme impulses.
Like many authoritarian figures, Trump respects the courageous and disdains flatterers. He has threatened to wield his presidential powers against those who oppose him. Yielding to Trump’s desires will only amplify them. The US system is on the brink of an enormous test of its resilience. In the coming months, courage will be the most essential virtue.
